Workshop EUI, The Constitutional Architecture of the Economic Governance in the EU” March 23 2012

The package included in the “Statement by the Euro area heads of State or government” – issued at the end of the European Council held in Brussels on December 9, 2011- proposed a set of measures designed to face the financial crisis: a reinforced architecture for the economic and monetary Union, the strengthening of stabilisation tools, the acceleration of the entry into force of the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) treaty, a stronger policy coordination and governance and, above all, the creation of a new fiscal compact.
The aim of this workshop is to offer a multidisciplinary reflection upon the current crises faced by the EU and the solutions proposed by the European leaders.
We use “crises” instead of “crisis” because it is evident that the EU is experiencing a legitimacy crisis which goes beyond the more general economic and financial difficulties affecting the global system.
In order to favour a rigorous debate on several issues which we consider fundamental, this workshop will be divided into three panels devoted to the impact of the crises on the “domestic” and supranational levels.
Given the highly interdisciplinary content of the subject, we extended the invitation to scholars from different
backgrounds who could address such complex issues from different angles.
In the course of the workshop we would like to address inter alia the following questions:

• Many thought that the Lisbon treaty would be the last one for a long time. Now, instead, it seems old and unable to face the challenges of the crises. What are the competences, powers and institutional mechanisms the EU still needs?
• The relevance of the euro and the different level of integration between the Eurozone countries and the other EU members seemingly indicate the need for a multi-speed or multi-tiered EU. What kind of institutional arrangements can be put in place? Can asymmetry represent a solution for the EU?
• The EU is struggling with its own constitutional limits, putting pressure on national institutions and actors (see the Greek and Italian cases that are emblematic from this point of view): Does this increase or decrease EU legitimacy?
• Against this background, what role can be played by national institutions (i.e. Parliaments, Governments and Courts).

Full programme available at: